The political class of Chile clings to power and appeals to a scandalous and weeping strip tease that exposes the privileges that until one week ago were considered untouchable rights.
His crocodile tears are shed in abundance in the morning TV news in an effort to convince that 'we have heard the voice of the people.'
The touching - but belated - generosity of the elite tries to placate the rebellion through the show of the social crisis. However, the protest does not yield to praise nor is it subjected to the brutal repression that already records 20 dead, more than 300 injured, two thousand detainees and an undetermined number of missing persons.
The state managers do not quite admit that they lack the legitimacy to establish a dialogue with the popular rebellion. Their coercive measures, meanwhile, are on the ground of human rights violations and cause more repudiation of the government, the police and the Armed Forces.
The insurrection does not recognize the authority of the government or the Congress because they do not represent the sovereignty of the people. They are the product of the model that the street repudiates. The 'political class' represents (did it represent?) only 40% of citizens.
The electoral abstention -silent message of this crisis that the parties could not hear- constitutes the majority that is on the street. To this have been added vast sectors that have been shaken from the tutelage of organizations and ideological chapels.
In December 2017, Piñera was elected with three million 800 thousand votes ... from an electoral roll of more than 14 million. He assumed the presidency representing a minority fraction of citizens, and in less than two years his support has become salt and water.
The representativeness of Parliament is even less. Paradigmatic case is a senator - Carmen Gloria Aravena Avendaño - elected by 4,200 votes, or 1.2% of her constituency, already reduced by abstention.
The president of the Senate, Jaime Quintana, second authority of the State, represents only 10.2% of voters in his region. The head of the Chamber of Deputies, Iván Flores, in turn, was elected with just 9.5% of the votes.
At the municipal level the situation is even worse. In the election of mayors and councilors of 2016, the abstention reached 65%. There are mayors who 'represent' less than 10% of the electorate - already reduced by abstention - of their communes.
This 'democracy' empty of content explains why the rebellion in Chile does not accept the authority of morally non-existent institutions, nor does it recognize as interlocutors the administrators of those ghostly vestiges of institutionality.
The threats of political sectors to divert the popular torrent towards party mills have not achieved any results.
The criminalization of the crisis by the Government and the media has failed to dent the moral force of the movement that continues to express itself massively and peacefully.
This truly unarmed insurrection demonstrates vigorous cultural and artistic creativity. It even boasts ingenious expressions of humor in social networks.
The acts of vandalism attributed to it - from such a suspicious origin as the fires of the Metro and supermarkets - are completely alien to the spirit that encourages mass marches and caceroleos in which complete families from very diverse social sectors participate, twinned in a frontal rejection of the abuses of neoliberalism.
The actions of vandalism that have occurred bring to mind the social explosion of April 2 and 3, 1957. The police released hundreds of criminals to destroy and ransack public property and private businesses in Santiago and Valparaíso.
This week's blazing attacks affect the town more than the owners of the looted and burnt businesses. The North American chain Walmart, of the Líder supermarkets, and the Solari Falabella group, of Sodimac, will not lose a penny.
They have insurance for all events that protect them against theft, looting, fire, terrorist attacks, natural disasters, etc. The high costs of these insurances are not paid by those companies as they are transferred to the prices and rates charged to consumers and users.
Millions of 'vandals' have turned Chile into a stronghold in the fight against injustice, inequality and inequality. The 'vandals' reject criminal violence against small and medium-sized merchants.
The 'vandals', on the other hand, are mobilized by a radical change in the economic and social model on which state institutions stand.
A cultural transformation of social behavior is underway whose victory would allow the barriers of inequality and discrimination to be broken down. I also know the urgent need to convene a Constituent Assembly is emerging strongly.
That peaceful and democratic way would allow Chile to endow with a Constitution that generates new institutions and laws to build a different society.
ef/ft/mcd
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